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Spanish nationalism is the nationalism that asserts that the Spaniards are a nation and promotes the cultural unity of the Spanish. In a general sense, it comprises political and social movements and sentiment inspired by a love for Spanish culture, language, and history, and a sense of pride in Spain and the Spanish people. Spanish nationalists often reject other nationalist movements within Spain, most importantly Catalan and Basque. It has typically been closely tied to the conceptions of a Castilian-based culture. The Castilian language became the Spanish language. Other expressions of Spanish nationalism have included pan-Iberianism and pan-Hispanism. The origins of Spanish nationalism have been claimed to have begun with the ''Reconquista''—beginning with the victory of Catholic armies against Muslim Moor occupiers in Granada in 1492. This resulted in a surge patriotic sentiment amongst Catholic Spaniards. The development of Spanish nationalism has been tied to the state-building process of the Castillian-ruled Spanish monarchy. ==History== Just as in all other Western European nation-states (Portugal, France and England), the shaping of an authoritarian monarchy as of the late Middle Ages gave rise to the parallel secular development of the state and nation in Spain under the Spanish Monarchy's successive territorial conformations.〔The centralist pretension of monarchy was part of their seeking to gain authority among local and estamental privileges and every type of particularisms. Continuously, it was tensioned, since the late Middle Ages, and the Modern Era, noticeably from the different formulations of the idea of Empire from Charles V (War of the Communities of Castile, religious wars in Germany) and from ''hispanization'' of monarchy with Philip II of Spain (capitality of Madrid, Rebellion of the Alpujarras, Revolt in Flanders, Portuguese succession crisis (1580), Alterations of Aragon). The desire or decision to increase the capacity of king to intervene in each kingdom, was significantly lower among the Habsburgs that among the Bourbons, but always had a greater or lesser degree, and became explicit in documents among which the ''Great Memorial'' by Count-Duke of Olivares to Philip IV of Spain in 1624: The concept of ''natio'' (nation) used since the Renaissance, will subordinate to a ''semantic field chaired by the concept of Monarchy'' (José María Jover Zamora, as a comment to the memorial of Olivares and others' contemporary texts, such as Juan de Palafox y Mendoza (Historia y civilización: escritos seleccionados ) Volumen 13, pg. 78 Universitat de València, 1997 ISBN 978-84-370-2692-3). The claim control of the monarchy (both authoritarian and absolute) of the subjects had very different causes and objectives for the later nationalism. 〕 As occurred in each one of these cases, the national identity and the territorial structure proper gave rise to many different outcomes in the end, but always – and also in the case of Spain – as a result of the way in which the institutions responded to the economic and social dynamic (at times despite these very institutions) and not fully flourishing in their contemporary aspect until the Old Regime had succumbed. The clearest-cut identification factor existed throughout this ethnic-religious period in the form of "Old Christian" status. At the end of this period (18th century), the linguistic identification factor was gradually accentuated revolving around the Castilian with new institutions such as the Spanish Royal Academy. Historically, Spanish nationalism emerged with liberalism, and in the Spanish War of Independence against Napoleon I of France.〔The label ''nationalist'' has not succeeded in Spain as an auto-denomination, but the existence of a similar phenomenon to the contemporary European nationalisms has been broadly studied. The fact is related in these article: Joan B. Culla i Clarà (''Nacionalistas sin espejo'' ), El País, 16 de marzo de 2007.〕 Since 1808 we can talk about nationalism in Spain: ethnic patriotism became fully national, at least among the elite. This was unmistekabily the work of liberals. The modernizing elites used the occasion to try to impose a programme of social and political changes, and the method was to launch the revolutionary idea of the nation as the holder of sovereignty. The national myth was mobilising against a foreign army and against ''collaborationist'' with José Bonaparte, regarded as non-Spanish (''afrancesados''). The Spanish liberals resorted to the identification between patriotism and the defense of liberty: as the Asturian deputy Agustín Argüelles while presented the Constitution of 1812, "Spaniards, you now have a homeland."〔José Álvarez Junco (2001) ''Mater dolorosa. La idea de España en el siglo XIX'' Madrid: Taurus. Cited in José Uría, ''Página Abierta'', 157, marzo de 2005 ().〕 Since then, it has often changed its contents and its ideological and political proposals: successively ''doceañista'', ''esparterista'', even briefly ''iberista'' (advocating union with Portugal in the dynastic crisis of 1868). The Carlism, who was a defensive movement of Old Regime, did not regard the adjective "national" with any esteem (national sovereignty, National Guard national properties... were the vocabulary of liberals, particularly since more ''progresistas''). However, the Spanish nationalism that demonstrated to be decisive in the twentieth century came from the frustration due to the disaster of 1898, that has been called regenerationism, claimed from movements very opposite one another: the ruling bourbon-dynastics (Francisco Silvela, Eduardo Dato, Antonio Maura), the republican opposition (that only had a contradictory and brief stay in power) and even the army (1917 crisis and dictatorships of Miguel Primo de Rivera and Francisco Franco). Specifically, under the name of panhispanism (more properly referred to a movement focused on the unity of hispanoamerican nations) understood as Spanish imperialism, it is used to refer specifically the movement emerged after the crisis of 1898, within the broader context that included the regeneracionism and the generation of 98 (whose authors, coming from the Spanish periphery, agreed to consider Castile the expression of "the Spanish"), expressed in its more clear way by the second phase of Ramiro de Maeztu. Its ideologues and politicians were Ramiro Ledesma and Onésimo Redondo (founders of the JONS) and José Antonio Primo de Rivera (founder of Falange); using an expression that has its origins in José Ortega y Gasset, defines Spain as ''a unity of destiny in the universal'', defending a return to traditional and spiritual values of Imperial Spain. The idea of empire makes it universalist rather than localist, what makes it singular among certain nationalisms, but closer to others (especially the Italian fascism). It also incorporates a component resolutely traditionalist (with notable exceptions such as the vanguardism of Ernesto Giménez Caballero), rooted in a millennial history: that of traditional monarchy or Catholic Monarchy (although often is indifferent on the specific form of state) and, most importantly, it is not lay or secular, but expressly Roman Catholic, which will define (in the first franquism) the term National Catholicism. 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Spanish nationalism」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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